They should phase in driving on the right while they're at it, get that full fruity Euro feel.
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BREXIT (10 Viewers)
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They should phase in driving on the right while they're at it, get that full fruity Euro feel.
Glasgow get independance Mondays and Thursdays, Edinburgh Tuesdays and Fridays, everywhere else Wednesdays and Saturdays
What about Sundays? Yeah, what about Sundays...
Sundays will be determined by a round-robin.
I can't find a link to the Simpsons bit, but you know what I mean.
What about Sundays? Yeah, what about Sundays...
Sundays will be determined by a round-robin.
I can't find a link to the Simpsons bit, but you know what I mean.
GARYXKNIFEDX
Well-Known Member
Why was it called Brexit in the first place? Should it not have been ukexit?
Anyway,bring on scotentry
Anyway,bring on scotentry
Aha, fighting the English with their own language, a tried and proven technique. Just shows they never had a fucking clue what they were doing.
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I just deleted a post on Twitter that devolved into a heated nasty fight. I replied (light-heartedly, I thought) to someone's comment on "Southern Ireland" that the island of Ireland's northernmost point is in Malin head - which they are calling "Southern Ireland".
Fuck Twitter.
Fuck Twitter.
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And the Brits
were people triggered by geography?
Physical geography has been cancelled for years. Someone noticed peninsula and penis have the same root in Latin, and that’s before the whole cirques and corries thing kicked off. Tools of the master etc..
Cormcolash
Well-Known Member
England 0-4 Hungary: A horror night for Gareth Southgate's men in UEFA Nations League
Hungary were clinical as they scored four goals past England at Molineux to earn themselves a famous victory in the UEFA Nations League.
www.football365.com
the most metal sounding geographical term must be 'batholith'.
The Return… is such a good album!
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Fintan really nails it here
www.irishtimes.com
Fintan O’Toole: Boris Johnson does not need solution on the NI protocol. He needs a war
Truth and moral sensibility have no place in the Johnsonian metaverse
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Fintan really nails it here
Fintan O’Toole: Boris Johnson does not need solution on the NI protocol. He needs a war
Truth and moral sensibility have no place in the Johnsonian metaverse
Paywall
By Fintan O'TooleTue Jun 14 2022 - 06:00
When Boris Johnson has nowhere to go, the nowhere he goes to is Northern Ireland. It is, for him, an empty space, a vacuum he can fill with any old blather that is useful to him at the time.
What suits him right now is to try to reassemble the old Brexit band of 2019 – the ERG and the DUP – in the hope that the forces that brought him to power will help keep him there.
Tearing up the Northern Ireland protocol to the withdrawal agreement he negotiated, signed and urged both parliament and the electorate to endorse, is just another raid on Northern Ireland’s treasure-house of grievance.
The needs and desires of the people of Northern Ireland are neither here nor there. NI stands for Not Interested.
Johnson revealed his true feelings about the place in 2018, when he was foreign secretary. In a secretly recorded speech to a private Tory meeting in London, he claimed that all the problems of the Irish Border could be solved with something like “when you swiped your Oyster card over a tube terminal, a tube gizmo”.
This is what Northern Ireland is to Johnson: a small and irritating appendage. But he also realised that getting the Northern Ireland tail to wag the Westminster dog could actually be politically expedient.
The protocol was the itch the Brexit zealots would keep scratching. It could create enough agitation to convince them that their whole project is not (as it so obviously is) stuck in the doldrums of anticlimax. The grand old cause is alive!
Perhaps this twist was built into the whole Brexit narrative. Play-acting war with Brussels has been a way of life, a habit of mind, even an addiction. It has moulded political careers, supplied thousands of entertaining stories and outraged columns for journalist-politicians like Johnson, and given a shape to an otherwise inchoate English nationalism.
[ Fintan O’Toole: Both Queen Elizabeth and Boris Johnson embody a polity on its way out ]
Actually leaving the European Union means this game is up – they don’t have Brussels bureaucrats to kick around any more.
Northern Ireland, and the protocol that was designed to recognise its unique circumstances, thus become important, not for their own sake, but as a way to get the old game going again. To most Tories, the protocol is like a football league that is being played elsewhere during the off-season in England – not all that interesting, but it fills an intolerable gap.
The degree to which it really doesn’t matter to them can be gauged from their indifference to Johnson’s wildly opposed claims about what the protocol is and what it means. It doesn’t bother them that he pronounced the protocol in parliament “a good arrangement . . . with the minimum possible bureaucratic consequences” and insisted that “it is fully compatible with the Good Friday agreement” – before claiming, as he does now, the precise opposite.
These contradictions don’t matter because such statements do not refer to a real place or even to the real text of an international treaty. The only reality they signify is the particular and contingent necessity of getting Johnson into power and keeping him there.
When, for example, Johnson stated in December 2019 that “there will be no checks on goods going from GB to NI, or NI to GB”, it was a category error to complain that this was a brazen lie.
The lie existed only in the actual world; the statement was in the Johnsonian metaverse. It was not about goods, GB or NI. It was about what was good for BJ.
Meanwhile, there is an actual Northern Ireland, a fragile polity with a divided society and an unresolved history of violent conflict. And there is an actual, highly imperfect, protocol.
It was devised quickly, to get Johnson out of a hole. And it is designed, not to create ideal conditions, but to limit the damage deliberately inflicted by his choice of a very hard Brexit.
Harm reduction is a messy business. Everybody, including the EU, acknowledges that there are problems of over-zealous implementation.
[ Fintan O’Toole: Truss’s latest take on NI protocol reveals what is really going on ]
These problems are soluble: in October, the EU produced proposals which it says would lead to an 80 per cent reduction on the checks for GB food products destined for Northern Ireland shops and a 50 per cent cut in customs formalities.
The catch is that the EU thought it was trying to solve a real difficulty in a real place. The EU was trying to work on texts – Johnson is working on pretexts. He doesn’t need a solution. He needs a war.
Anyone with a vestige of a moral sensibility might realise that Northern Ireland has had its fill of wars and that there is a real one going on in Ukraine. Tearing up international treaties while denouncing Vladmir Putin’s contempt for international law might seem as idiotic as it is cynical.
But only in Ireland, Europe and other parts of the real world. Brexitland is another country. They do things differently there.
When Boris Johnson has nowhere to go, the nowhere he goes to is Northern Ireland. It is, for him, an empty space, a vacuum he can fill with any old blather that is useful to him at the time.
What suits him right now is to try to reassemble the old Brexit band of 2019 – the ERG and the DUP – in the hope that the forces that brought him to power will help keep him there.
Tearing up the Northern Ireland protocol to the withdrawal agreement he negotiated, signed and urged both parliament and the electorate to endorse, is just another raid on Northern Ireland’s treasure-house of grievance.
The needs and desires of the people of Northern Ireland are neither here nor there. NI stands for Not Interested.
Johnson revealed his true feelings about the place in 2018, when he was foreign secretary. In a secretly recorded speech to a private Tory meeting in London, he claimed that all the problems of the Irish Border could be solved with something like “when you swiped your Oyster card over a tube terminal, a tube gizmo”.
He waved away the crisis that Brexit was threatening on the island of Ireland: “It’s so small and there are so few firms that actually use that border regularly, it’s just beyond belief that we’re allowing the tail to wag the dog in this way.”
This is what Northern Ireland is to Johnson: a small and irritating appendage. But he also realised that getting the Northern Ireland tail to wag the Westminster dog could actually be politically expedient.
The protocol was the itch the Brexit zealots would keep scratching. It could create enough agitation to convince them that their whole project is not (as it so obviously is) stuck in the doldrums of anticlimax. The grand old cause is alive!
Perhaps this twist was built into the whole Brexit narrative. Play-acting war with Brussels has been a way of life, a habit of mind, even an addiction. It has moulded political careers, supplied thousands of entertaining stories and outraged columns for journalist-politicians like Johnson, and given a shape to an otherwise inchoate English nationalism.
[ Fintan O’Toole: Both Queen Elizabeth and Boris Johnson embody a polity on its way out ]
Actually leaving the European Union means this game is up – they don’t have Brussels bureaucrats to kick around any more.
Northern Ireland, and the protocol that was designed to recognise its unique circumstances, thus become important, not for their own sake, but as a way to get the old game going again. To most Tories, the protocol is like a football league that is being played elsewhere during the off-season in England – not all that interesting, but it fills an intolerable gap.
The degree to which it really doesn’t matter to them can be gauged from their indifference to Johnson’s wildly opposed claims about what the protocol is and what it means. It doesn’t bother them that he pronounced the protocol in parliament “a good arrangement . . . with the minimum possible bureaucratic consequences” and insisted that “it is fully compatible with the Good Friday agreement” – before claiming, as he does now, the precise opposite.
These contradictions don’t matter because such statements do not refer to a real place or even to the real text of an international treaty. The only reality they signify is the particular and contingent necessity of getting Johnson into power and keeping him there.
When, for example, Johnson stated in December 2019 that “there will be no checks on goods going from GB to NI, or NI to GB”, it was a category error to complain that this was a brazen lie.
Crèche pressure, GUBU, Johnson survives
Jack Horgan-Jones is one of many parents paying through the nose for childcare. The Government wants to take some of the financial pain out of early years education and care - will its plan work? Harry McGee plugs his new podcast GUBU, a seven-part thriller about a series of grisly murders in the 1980s and how they impacted the government of Charles Haughey. And Denis Staunton has the latest from London where PM Boris Johnson lives to fight another day after winning a confidence vote.The lie existed only in the actual world; the statement was in the Johnsonian metaverse. It was not about goods, GB or NI. It was about what was good for BJ.
Meanwhile, there is an actual Northern Ireland, a fragile polity with a divided society and an unresolved history of violent conflict. And there is an actual, highly imperfect, protocol.
It was devised quickly, to get Johnson out of a hole. And it is designed, not to create ideal conditions, but to limit the damage deliberately inflicted by his choice of a very hard Brexit.
Harm reduction is a messy business. Everybody, including the EU, acknowledges that there are problems of over-zealous implementation.
[ Fintan O’Toole: Truss’s latest take on NI protocol reveals what is really going on ]
These problems are soluble: in October, the EU produced proposals which it says would lead to an 80 per cent reduction on the checks for GB food products destined for Northern Ireland shops and a 50 per cent cut in customs formalities.
The catch is that the EU thought it was trying to solve a real difficulty in a real place. The EU was trying to work on texts – Johnson is working on pretexts. He doesn’t need a solution. He needs a war.
Anyone with a vestige of a moral sensibility might realise that Northern Ireland has had its fill of wars and that there is a real one going on in Ukraine. Tearing up international treaties while denouncing Vladmir Putin’s contempt for international law might seem as idiotic as it is cynical.
But only in Ireland, Europe and other parts of the real world. Brexitland is another country. They do things differently there.
- Thread starter
- #3,975
yer one with the da (finn mac redmond) wrote almost the same article as that in today's times.
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'another raid on Northern Ireland’s treasure-house of grievance.'
NICE
NICE
Only thing missing is a comparison with the FFG playbook for the past few generations.
David Kronenbourg
Well-Known Member
G’wan the Mick Lynch
it’s a bit weird seeing the media attempt to adapt to a sudden re-emergence of real class politics in the UK. they all made their careers in a blair-cameron era of anti-politics. now Mick Lynch goes on TV and laughs in their faces and they realise they can’t just pretend he doesn’t exist or otherwise work around him. it’s immensely gratifying to watch, of course, but it’s also throwing into relief the frothy emptiness of what usually happens.
I don't know where he got it from, but Mick Lynch has had some good media relations training. Where to put his hands, where to stand, where to move to, Understanding what the camera can actually see, all off the cuff. And knowing what Kay wants him to do and not doing it and knowing what to say back. Not too much, not too little. That was actually the sort of thing that they'll show to PR students in college lectures.
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